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ISLAM AND AFRICA: This site serves two aims: to provide information about Islam in the global African world (Continent and Americas) and as a guide to African Muslims globally identity in the context of culture and personality. This site is a cultural and historical site on progressive Pan-African Islam

 

     
     

     

 
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AFRICAN HOLOCAUST ARTICLES

Until lions tell their tale, the story of the hunt will always glorify the hunter

African Proverb

Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will

– Frederick Douglass

The most pathetic thing is for a slave who doesn't know that he is a slave

– Malcolm X

Every man is rich in excuses to safeguard his prejudices, his instincts, and his opinions.

– Ancient Egypt

Cowardice asks the question: is it safe? Expediency asks the question: is it political? Vanity asks the question: is it popular? But conscience asks the question: is it right.

– Dr. Martin L. King, Jr

What kind of world do we live in when the views of the oppressed are expressed at the convenience of their oppressors?

– Owen 'Alik Shahadah

We are not Africans because we are born in Africa, we are Africans because Africa is born in us.

– Chester Higgins Jr.

Leave no brother or sister behind the enemy line of poverty.

– Harriet Tubman

THE TRADITION OF TAJDEED IN WEST AFRICA

Tradition in the Sokoto Caliphate

Anna Marano
Usman Bugaje 10-1997
 

From the ninth century to date, Islam has been spreading in the West African region. Even western scholarship (1) has had to concede the fact that in course of these twelve centuries Islam had brought literacy, integrated various ethnic groups, boosted trade and commerce, built states of varying complexities and developed such centers of learning that produced scholars (2) of international repute. At the time of the European invasion in the late 19th and early 20th century it was Islam that put up the greatest resistance to imperialism and what remains of the indigenous features of the region owes more to Islam's cultural and ideological resistance than to anything else.


Thus the history of West Africa is largely the history of Islam in West Africa.

For not only did Islam launch the region into history but it directed and shaped events in the region since the last twelve centuries. And today t remains the only hope the for region against the onslaught of imperialism with its army of Christian missionaries, secular elites and the I.M.F's and its multi-national fronts.

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Of course Islam did not accomplish these achievements and attained position of prominence instantly. Rather, this was a very gradual, if persistent, process made up of distinct phases one leading inevitably to the other. Five such phases (3) are easily discernible:-

First Phase: This covers the period from the ninth to the thirteenth century. During this period Islam spread gradually and for the most part peacefully. The main agents of Islamisation during this period appear to be itinerant traders, a few scholars (mostly Berbers) and equally effective ardent indigenous converts. As the educational institutions had not then take concrete shape, systematic learning as such did not obtain on a general level. Indeed it was during this period the first Islamic State of Takur was formed, it was during the same period the Al-Murabit movement emerged. But these were exceptions to the general role and the latter in particular points to the dearth of knowledge of Islam among the Muslims of the period for it was this dearth which primarily occasioned its emergence.


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Second Phase: This covers the period from the Fourteenth to the Sixteenth century. This is the phase in which the Muslim states of Mali and Songhay emerged and developed, Borno which had emerged much earlier reached maturation under Idris Aloma while many Hausa States notably Kano and Katsina became Islamized. More importantly this was the period during which educational centers developed and produced a multitude of indigenous scholars like Abdur-Rahman al-Sa'adi, Mahmud al-ka'ati, Ahmad Baba and his Shaykh Ahmad Baghouyogho, al-Barnawi, Muhammad al-kashnawi and a host of others. It was also the period when the region received visiting scholars such as Muhammad al-maghili who were to sharpen the taste of scholarship and hasten the process of Islamisation.

Third Phase: This covers the period from the 17th century to eighteenth century. This was a phase which started with the Moroccan invasion of Songhay during which Timbuktu, which had become the intellectual center of the region, was sacked. The destruction of the state of Songhay and the sacking of Timbuktu with the consequent dispersal of scholars combined to rob the region its political stability and intellectual stamina. While the political vacuum plunged Hausa States into inter-state destructive warfare, the dearth of scholarship gave pagan beliefs a chance to resurface. Thus plunging the greater part of the region into ignorance, injustice and oppression often under the patronage of venal scholars (ulama al-su). These were the very conditions which occasioned the next phase.

Fourth Phase: This was the phase of the Jihad elements which though began in the 18th century (Karamako Alfa in Futa Toro 1720's, Sulayman Ba'alin Futa Jallon 1170's) were in the main concentrated in the 19th century. In fact a few skirmishes continued well unto the 20th century in the Sene-gambia region. This was a phase during which Muslim scholars took up their responsibly of education Muslims ad mobilizing them against the inequities, moral laxities and the excess of rulers (or more properly the oppressors) of their land.

The leading figures were Shaykh Dan Fodio in early 19th century Hausaland, Ahmad Labbo a little later in 1818 and Shaykh Umar al-Futi in mid 19th century Sene-gambia and Bambara region. In each case these Mujahiddeen established Islamic States which held their bounds until yet another invasions this time by European Imperialism. This invasion very much like the Moroccan one marked the beginning of another phase.

Fifth Phase: This was a phase which began in earnest at the beginning of this twentieth century to this day. It is a phase in which European imperialism, in their bid to control the human and material resource of the region, invaded and destroyed the politics in the region and instituted such arrangements as would ensure maximum plunder and exploitation of the material and human resource of the region. This was also a phase in which Islam became the target of a vicious and desperate attack by western imperialism and its agencies. The physical attack by the colonizing army was immediately followed with a psychological warfare. The sharia was replaced by English or French law and any demand for the Sharia was treated as a treasonable offense. The whole Government machinery was operated as if Muslims never existed at all. Educational institutions were opened with courses clearly designed to produce an army of secular elite eager to be employed to protect the status quo. The institutions of defense and security were designed to attack and the slightest move by Muslims to bring Islam again. Meanwhile the mass media is busy dissuading them from the idea of any Islam beyond the mosque and persuading them to give their total loyalty to a government which has blatantly refused them their freedom to live as Muslims all in the name of peace. With the glaring failure of these neocolonial Governments to deliver any goods even its greatest promise of material progress, the future of this arrangement is now being questioned. Islam is once again emerging as a viable alternative to take its rightful place in the sheme of things.

From the foregoing short and sketchy account three points become very clear. That Islam has immense capacity for integrating groups and building great and powerful states. Kanem-Bornu, Mansa Musa's Mali, Askia's Songhay, the Sokoto caliphate remain to be the most complex and powerful states that Africa has seen. Their territorial spread, political complexity and military power was unprecedented throughout Africa's history. That Islam was able to sustain these development over such a long period of time, consistently maintaining its position of prominence points to Islam's resourcefulness, and capacity to meet challenges. By reasserting itself once again after periods of lapse, Islam exhibits such resilience as not other system known to Mankind. This unique feature of Islam in particular has understandably been a great source of worry to its enemies, European Imperialism in particular.

Islam owes a lot of this power resourcefulness and resilience to knowledge. For Islam has placed its highest premium on knowledge. By making the search for knowledge an obligation on each of its adherents (male and female, young and old), by making the pursuit of knowledge as the most rewarding of endeavour and by making knowledge as the basis of both individual as well as collective action, Islam secured for itself the most formidable weapon humanity has ever known. Subsisting wholly on, anchored securely in scholarship Islam moved gradually but confidently and persistently, eroding the basis of local Jahiliyya and imparting its universal culture and establishing its own society which was always better than the one it found. Knowledge and scholarship, remained the life vein of this transformation.

But human being as indeed human society, is subject to lapses and often the pursuit of knowledge is slackened and scholarship falls to a level where society stagnates or even retrogresses. In such circumstances, the ultimate hope for the Muslim society is a process of rejuvenation which necessarily begins with a regeneration of knowledge and scholarship, the spread of this knowledge to the wider society and ends up with the application of such knowledge in society with all the transformation that has to go with it. This process of rejuvenation and revitalization of society is what in Islam in known as Tajdeed, and those that initiate this process or see it through to its logical conclusion are called Mujahiddun, (sing, Mujaddid). fully aware of human limitations and failure, Allah the Most High, out of His mercy for mankind, promised to raise individual (s) who will undertake the task of Tajdeed at the head of each century. As Abu Dawud narrated in an authentic hadith "From Abu Huraira, may Allah be pleased with him, the Prophet (S.A.W.) said: Verily Allah will raise for this Ummah at the head of every hundred years one (s) who will renew for her, her Deen (way of life)."

Muslim scholars have made extensive commentary on this Hadith in an effort to further clarify the text and expound on the concept of Tajdeed. Suyudi's work (4) on Tajdeed, Al Maghili's Ajwibat, (5) Bustani's work (6) on the concept of Tajdeed provide a rich sources of such commentaries. We need not detain ourselves with such details here. For the purpose of this paper it may suffice us to note that many scholars have agreed that the Mujaddid need not be one given century. They could be, as indeed there were, several Majaddidun each undertaking Tajdeed in his own domain. there could even be more than one at a time for a given areas. One may even add that the reference to one hundred years not be literal. It may simply refer to such intervals as may be there between one Mujaddid to the other.

It is important to note that Tajdeed (renewing) of the Deen (way of life)' of the Muslim Ummah is a technical expression connoting a total societal change. It is a profound and comprehensive change which seeks to return the Muslim society to its purity free from he decadence and lethargy that had crept in over a period of time. This change to be sure must necessarily start with pursuit and spread of knowledge which leads to the erosion of the intellectual and cultural basis of the decadent order and ultimately end up with a total societal change - a revolution.

 


THE AL-MURABIT FACTOR

The history of Tajdeed in West Africa is nearly as old as the history of Islam itself. By the ninth century Islam had already reached the Sene-gambian region and Kanem on the he eastern edge of West Africa. By early 11th century the Islamic State of Tukrur had emerged. To the north of Tukrur were the Sanhaja Berbers who must have been Islamized much earlier than Tukrur. But by 1030's their level of ignorance and lack of compliance with Islam was such as to warrant their leader Yahya b. Ibrahim al-Guladi on his way back from Hajj, to request Shaykh Abu Imran al-Fasi at Qayrawan to assign for him a teacher from the latter's students to return with him and instruct his people. The responsibility of undertaking this task of instructing the Sanhaja fell on Abdullahi B. Yasin. (7) Ibn Abi Zar's account may be worth recounting:

"When he (Abd Allah b. Yasin) arrived with Yahya b. Ibrahim in the land Sanhaja ... he began to teach them religion and to explain the Law and the Sunnah to them, to command them to do good and to forbid them to do evil.

When they saw that he was intent on making them abandon their wicked ways they shook him off turned away from him, and shunned him, for they found his actions burdensome ... When Abd Allah b. Yasin saw their opposition and the way in which they followed their fancies he wished to leave them and go to the land of the Sudan who had adopted Islam ... but Yahya b. Ibrahim would not let him, saying: "I shall not let you go away for I brought you here only that your learning might profit my person, my religion, and those of my people for whom I am responsible ..." (8)

Yahya b. Ibrahim was able to convince Abd Allah b. Yasin to leave for an island in the sea, a kind of Hijra, where he made a ribat teaching his students Qur'an among others. The number of his students grew until he was in a position to return to the Sanhaja fighting those who remain adamant and refuse to mend their corrupt way of life. From here Abd Allah Yasin appointed Yahya b. Umar as a Military commander and with their expanding team of students (murabitun) they conquered the Magrib as far as Spain.

It is significant that Abd Allah b. Yasin had to make a kind of Hijra during which he devoted time for the study of the Qur'an. This is not only a reflection of selflessness but much more. It is also significant that he was rigorous to a point where his very mission became threatened.

This thoroughness of Abd Allah b. Yasin which became hallmark of the al-murabit appear to have been the influence of their grand Shaykh, al-Fasi. For it was the latter's strictness which apparently led him to fall out with the rulers of Fez of his time warranting his leaving Fez for Qayrawan where he settled and taught until his death.

The extent of al-Murabit's effect on the development of Islam in western Sudan is still to be assessed. But it was clear that some of the Berber tribes which participated in the al-Murabit movement moved south and settled around the bank of the Niger River which al-Bakri the historian mistook for the Nile. (9) It appears that it was these elements that formed the nucleus of the school of the region. Diakha and Jenne the earliest educational centers which later fed Timbuktu appear to have developed under scholars with al-Murabit links. Timbuktu itself started as a camp for a Sanhaja tribe which made up the al-murabit movement. (10) The Nasiba of the leading scholarly family of Ahmad aba of Timbuktu the Aqits, has been traced back to Abubakar b. Umar the brother of Yahya b. Umar the Military Commander of al-Murabit. (11) This point is further reinforced by the fact that the leading texts studied at the educational institutions of the region, like al-shifa, of Qadi Iyad, Mudawana of Sahnun, Risala of Abu Zaid al-Qayrawani, etc. are mainly the writings of the North African and Andalusian (Spanish) scholars.

The point that is being made here is that the al-murabit made the first attempt at Tajdeed in the region. This attempt had generated a spate of scholarship which formed the nucleus of the educational centers in the region of West Africa. This scholarship appear to have set the tempo of and continued to influence the intellectual climate for along time leaving a permanent stamp on the he intellectual tradition in the region. This intellectual tradition produced chain of scholars for the region, through whose activity knowledge and scholarship spread far and wide in the vast region.


THE AL-MAGHILI FACTOR

The next significant input into the tradition of Tajdeed in West Africa seems to be that of Muhammad Abd al-Karim al-Maghili the visiting scholar who came to the region late in the 15th century, when Muslims were yet to recover from their expulsion from Andalusia, al-Maghili spent a good part of his life defending the integrity of the Muslim Ummah and the supremacy of the Sharia. He had to fight fierce intellectual and later physical battle again unjust and corrupt Muslim leaders, their venal scholars and the Jews who had monopolized the economy and had begun to flout the Sharia with impunity. It was in the midst of this struggle and in the spirit of revitalizing the Muslim Ummah al-Maghili left Tuwat in North Africa for West Africa. His zeal for the total and correct application of the Sharia and his impatience with unjust and venal scholars is thus understandable.

Al-Maghili's presence in West Africa seemed to have come at an opportuned time when sufficient awareness of Islam has been generated in the region to make rulers ready and willing to apply Islam. Coming from North Africa, whence most of the basic Islamic literature in West Africa came, operating within the same Maliki Mazhab al-Maghili found himself intellectually at home in the region. Thus almost where ever he went, Air, Katsina, Kano, Gao, he was highly welcomed and immediately involved int he process of the application of Islam. A great teacher in Takedda, in Air; Qadi in Katsina for many years; a legal and political adviser in Kano where he wrote for Sarki Muhammad Rumfa, Taj al-Din fi ma yajib ala'l muluk; in Gao, Songhay, the ideologue and architect of the State of Songhay under Askia Muhammad; al-Maghili succeeded in injecting a new drive into intellectual tradition and invigorated the social and political clime of the whole region.

Al-Maghili's celebrated success in the region in as much a product of his zeal and vigor as the tradition of scholarship in the region which had always an inclination for thoroughness and precision. Indeed the presence of al-Maghili only gave a further push and reinforcement to a feature which scholarship in the region had been known to posses from the time of al-Murabit. Al-Maghili's experience in North Africa had, however something new and precious to add to this tradition. Al-Maghili's encounter with corrupt Muslim rulers and Ulama al-Su', venal scholars who he sometimes calls ru'asa-ul-zalimin, the chief oppressor, (12) helped sharpened the regions taste for leadership and scholarship and developed for it a standard with which to gauge the scholars and rulers of the region. Thus the intellectual tradition was given new challenges to meet and the society taste to be satisfied.

Al-Maghili was of course not the only scholar of repute who had access to the region in the late 15th century. His contemporary Jalaluddeen al-Suyuti of Egypt was well known in the region. Many of Suyuti's books were circulating in the region, many of the pilgrims from the region who go through Egypt met Suyuti (13) and many have sought for his legal opinion (fatwa) on maters. (14) But speaking from the the comfort of his late Mamluk Egypt, free from the kind of conflict al-Maghili lived with in North Africa, Suyutis' writings though generally useful may have sounded a little milder than their situation demanded. In any case Suyuti did not have the benefit or being in the region to appreciate the region's real needs and circumstances. For Askia Muhammad who had met both Suyuti in Egypt and al-Maghili at home in Songhay found in the latter the vigor and thoroughness he needed.

This impetus which the intellectual tradition as well as the social and political climate received from al-Maghili was what generated a spate of scholarship which produced such scholars of high learning and virtue like Muhammad Baghaygho, whose student Ahmad Baba of Timbuktu considered a Mujaddid. Though this delicate process was jeopardized by the Moroccan invasion of Songhay at the end of the 16th century, the vital ideas it had generated were kept alive by such scholars as al-Barnawi (15) of Katsina. It were these scholars who bore with courage the risks of preserving these ideas and conveying it to the leaders of the Tajdeed movements of the 19th century. One needs to see Ida'al-Nusukh of Abdullah Dan Fodio, Infaq - al-maysur of Muhammad Bello and such works of Shehu Usman Dan Fodio as Kitab al-Farq to see the role these scholars played in providing this link. (16) Indeed many of the writings of Shehu Usman Dan Fodio, like Hisn al-Afham, Bayan Wujub al-Hijra, Siraj al-Ikhwan, reveal the extent of al-Maghili's influence on the Shehu. Even the temperaments of of Shehu Usman and his team, Ahmad Labbo and Umar al-Futi clearly bore the thoroughness and conscientiousness of the al-Murabit and al-Maghili.


THE TAJDEED MOVEMENTS OF THE 19TH CENTURY

Sequel to the Moroccan invasion of Songhay in 1591, the region lost not only its source of inspiration but also the restraining force of Songhay whose political influence had reached as far as Sene-gambia to the west and Hausaland to the east. With the scholars of Timbuktu scattered, some like Ahmad Baba taken in chains to Morocco, the intellectual stamina of the region became weak and the tempo of scholarship went down, to pick up only later on the eve of the Jihads. Matters were made worse by the political vacuum which the demise of Songhay created. The weakness of Borno at that time did not help the situation. Lacking in any regional power strong enough to check the excess of other states, the region slipped back into interstate warfare with its effect on security, commerce and learning. The resulting chaotic and desperate situation gave a receding paganism a chance to resurface leading to syncretism, decadence, heavy taxation and other forms of oppression b rulers.

The ideas of Tajdeed that were preserved amidst the corruption and injustices of the 17th and 18th centuries were eventually to find their way to their deserving heirs. Rather suddenly, for the whole of the 19th century, the region was seized by series of revolutions that were to totally change it complexion. Syncretism along with the decadence and injustice it fostered was terminated, Islamic states were re-established, learning and commerce went unhampered under the peace and security the new arrangement brought. To be sure these revolutions started even before the 19th century, and were to continue until the first two decades or so of this century. There was al-Karamako Alfa Ibrahim b. Nuhu in Futa Jallon as early as 1725, there was Sulayman Baal in Senegal valley in 1775, and Ahmad Bamba d. 1927 in Sene-gambian region among many others. (17) Restricted by a number of factors these Jihads were of limited scale, their effects largely limited to their locality. For our purpose we only wish to consider the three major ones: Usman Dan Fodio in Hausaland, Ahmad Labbo in Masina and Umar al-Futi in Sene-gambia. What we are primarily interested here is such outline as will allow us to discern the pattern of these Tajdeed movements.


SHEHU USMAN DAN FODIO

Moved by the level of ignorance among people the Shehu, as early as 1774, then at the age of 20, embarked on teaching people the basics of Islam. He quite naturally started single handedly around his home town Degel in the Hausa State of Gobir, but was soon to be assisted by his brother Abdullahi 12 year his junior. As they began to expand their teaching programs to different parts of Gobir and beyond into other Hausa States like Zamfara they were joined by another hand who though much younger was crucial tot he success of the venture. This was Shehu Usman's son Muhammad Bello. The three put together formed the triumvirate that led this movement, intellectually and politically, saw it through to its logical conclusion and even had the rare opportunity of translating into practice the ideas they spent the whole of their lives fighting for.

While the triumvirate were undertaking the painstaking task of educating the general public of Hausaland, which they saw as their primary assignment, they were also learning from as many Shaykhs as were around and reading as many books as were available. That Abdullah could not remember all those Shaykhs form whom they took knowledge, (18) that Muhammad Bello alone read about 20,000 books, (19) not to mention the grand Shaykh Usman Dan Fodio, may give one a glimpse to their level of scholarship. "The breadth of their knowledge of Arabic writings" writes Professor Abdullahi Smith "Is particularly remarkable when it is realized that none of them eve visited North Africa or the Middle East." "This learning of the leaders" continued Smith:

"Showed itself in their writings which were voluminous. The astonishing total of 258 books and pamphlets is at present provisionally attributed to the triumvirate, and this is probably not a complete list. These writings cover a very wide range of subjects including all the classical Islamic Sciences, as well as history, mysticism and medicine ... This literary output is particularly noteworthy when it is remembered that a large number of these books were written in the midst of active campaigning, and that they do not include official correspondence which the leaders (especially Muhammad Bello) had to keep up with their supporters in the field." (20)

For nearly 20 years the triumvirate and the expanding team of disciples and students traveled the length and breadth of Hausaland, teaching the basics of Islam raising yet more students and following. Wherever they went and whenever they moved, they left behind one of their students to continue what they started. Through this unassuming process, knowledge spread far and wide and the Shaykh raised followers among men and women, young and old, all over Hausaland and beyond in Borno and Masina.

For the next 10 years the Shaykh and his team were to return to his home town Degel to settle for more teaching and writing to meet the foreseeable needs of his community, the jama'a. This provided the Shaykh with the opportunity to develop his spiritual potentials through Tasawwuf, produce and mould scholars of higher learning and discipline from amongst his students both men and women. But this opportunity did not last as long as the Shaykh had apparently wanted. For his expanding community, having acquired sufficient knowledge of Islam to raise their level of perception and consciousness, were becoming impatient with the excesses of the pagan Hausa rulers. The more they learnt the more they realized the obligation they owe to their Lord Allah, the Most High, to command the right and forbid the wrong (Amr bil Ma'aruf wal Nahyi anil Munkar) in the face of the corruption, tyranny and oppression rampant in the Hausland.

It was however neither the Jama'a Nor the Shaykh that was to start the confrontation. It was the Hausa rulers, especially of Gobir, whose power based had been drastically narrowed by the ever increasing following of the Shaykh. In a desperate and frantic move to save their dwindling authority, they resorted to attacking the Jama'a. Even then the Shaykh wanted more time, for rather than retaliation he ordered a Hijra from Gobir in 1804. But the Gobir rulers would not leave the jama'a a and the he latter had to defend itself. Thus in the same year (1804), the jama'a, few, impoverished and scattered all over Hausaland, started fighting, under the leadership of the Shaykh, against the corrupt and tyrannical Hausa rulers, along with those venal scholars (Ulama al-Su') who had always given support to corruption and opposed the jama'a.

The fighting could not have come as a surprise to Shehu or his Jama'a. Shehu's perceptive mind had long foreseen this eventuality and has apparently prepared the Jama'a for it. His teachings and writings were designed to match the needs and level of development of the Jama'a. Initially it was the basics of Islam and gradually the obligations of Amr bil Ma'aruf wal Nahy anil Munkar and how it should be carried out was expounded. At the onset of the confrontation, the obligation from the Hijra, the basis and rules of the Jihad were clearly explained in a wisely circulated document Wathiqat ahl al-Sudan which Bivar calls the manifesto of the Jihad. (21) It was only during the Jihad and of course after that books dealing with the details of t he Islamic order to be established were written.

It is significant that in the 27 points the Shehu raised in the Wathiqat, the first three were:

"(i) That the commanding of what is right (Amr bil Ma'aruf) is obligatory by Ijma' (consensus of scholars).

(ii) The prohibition of what is wrong (or evil) (Nahy anil Munkar) al obligatory by Ijma'

(iii) That Hijra (flight) form the land of unbelief is obligatory by Ijma'."

The Jama'a were thus to fight in order to remove injustice and corruption and establish justice and righteousness in society. The Hijra was a necessary step in this direction. The Jama'a, true to their training, complied.

By 1810 the better part of Hausaland had fallen to the Jama'a, the Jihad was in the he main over, except for skirmishes in Borno, leaving the Jama'a the task of translating their ideals into practice. (22) This tremendous success did not however mean the task was over. In fact it looked like it had just began for it sparked off a spate of writing on the details of the socio-economic, legal and political order that was to be operated in the new dispensation. In fact the Shaykh found it necessary to devote the rest of his time to laying the intellectual foundations of the new State leaving the routine administration to his two able assistance, Shaykh Abdullah and Muhammad Bello.

It was the activities of this small band of itinerant scholars whose primary objective was to simply teach Islam, which silently but effectively eroded the moral and cultural foundations of the decadent society and mobilized the Muslims towards the renewal, Tajdeed, of their society. In due course the small band of scholars were to find themselves at the head of a growing party of believers which inevitably had to confront the party of unbelief and corruption with the ever recurring result of victory. Thus the Jama'a were able to pull their society cut of the decadence and corruption it had drifted into and place it back on the he path of purity and progress. (23) It was this success which triggered off a wave of change which was to cleanse the whole region of decadence, corruption and unbelief and restore to Islam its position of prominence. Talking about "the repercussions which the movement had in West Africa" Abdullahi Smith noted how it occasioned the emergence of Shehu Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi who was to revitalize Borno and shook the Oyo empire to its roots. "Perhaps most important of all under this head, however," observes Smith "was the influence which the Sokoto leaders exerted on later Jihad movements in other part of the Sudan." (24)


AHMAD LABBO

Ahmad's Macina in the pagan Bambara State of Segu was just next door to Hausaland and the conditions in the 18th century appear to be more or less the same as in Hausaland. Though he was in contact with scholars of Jenne, an old center of learning, and Shaykh Mukhtar al-Kunti the Qadiri Shaykh of the region, (25) he was clearly part of that expanding team of Shehu's students, many of whom like Ahmad did not have the privilege of meeting him. Though Ahmad did not meet his Shaykh he appears to have been in constant contact with him, receiving his books and seeking his opinion and advice.

Due to the dearth of written records, especially when compared with the Sokoto Jihad, details of Ahmad Labbo's programme is not as yet very clear. He was known to be a scholar who, in the tradition of his days, was teaching and learning at one and the same time. He seemed to have relied heavily on the literature produced by the Sokoto triumvirates in addition to the standard texts and such famous works as the Fatawi of AL-MAGHILI. It was clear that in course of his teaching and inspired by the spirit of Tajdeed his growing team of students became conscious of their responsibility to uproot corruption which was rampant and establish justice. It was this new consciousness generated by his teachings that apparently led him into conflict with some Ulama at Jenne who like all venal scholars (Ulama al-Su') where finding excuses for the decadent order and delaying the process of change, He must have been referring to some of the practices condoned by the Ulama when he wrote in his only book al-idtirar illa Allah '"when I saw their satanic innovations in which they were so steeped as to take them for orthodox ..." (26) It was to Sokoto he turned for moral and intellectual support in his fight against the Ulama al-Su'. As Brown noted:

"As early as 1815 - 16 A.D. there is evidence of his effort t to build a case against the Ulama of Jenne and other Muslims who followed similar practices. In his correspondence with Amir Abdullah b. Fudi of Gwandu in 1231 H. (1815-6) he sought clear legal (and moral) support for his criticism and received it." (27)

As in Hausaland it was the excesses of the ruling Ardos of Bambara Sate which provoked the sense of Amr bil Ma'aruf wal Nahy anil Munkar of his Jama'a. The latter's response to one of the numerous incidences of injustice was what sparked off the confrontation between his Jama'a and the Bambara establishment. In keeping with the tradition Seku Ahmadu as he is often known, declared the Hijra and sent some of his studetns to Shehu Usman Dan Fodio, in his dying year (1817) to receive permission to carry out the Jihad. The permission came in a form of a Flag (28) and the Jihad broke out. By 1818 the pagan establishment was overthrown and Islamic administration made up of five emirates was established and new capital, Hamdullahi was founded. (29)

The Caliphate of Macina had to rely on the literature of the Sokoto Caliphate, Ihya al-Sunnah of Shehu Usman, for example, was reported to have been adopted a s code of conduct for the State. (30) This nearly total reliance seemed to have been necessitated by the absence of local literature, which would have undoubtedly been for more relevant in dealing with the local day to day problems. Seku Ahmadu's apparent paucity of knowledge, having written only one book, has often been identified, as the scholarship in the Bambara State compared to Hausland and Songhay had been generally low (31) and Seku Ahmadu way well be one of the most learned of his days. In any case he was the best for he took up the challenge and led a process of Tajdeed which rid his society of the corruptionand injustices of the pagan Bambara, converted many to Islam and established in Islamic State. Seku Ahmadu himself died in 1843 and the caliphate lasted up to 1862 when it was taken over by the third major wave of Tajdeed led by Hajj Umar al-Futi.


HAJJ UMAR AL-FUTI

The earl 19th century Futa Toro where Umar spent his childhood was very much like the greater part of West Africa - weak and decadent Muslim societies under pagan or nominal Muslim rulers. There was the strong pagan state of Bambara to the west which Ahmad Labbo's Jihad did not dislodge. There were European, mainly French, commercial presence at the coasts serving the twin purpose of trade and reconnaissance. In spite of all these however, the Islamic educational institutions were there to offer their services; services which were to prove consequential to the region. For Umar in particular the traditional education seemed to have only roused in him such thirst for knowledge that it could not quench. In about 1825 he left the region for Hajj.

At Sokoto, on his way to Hajj, Umar spent a few months, which apparently convinced him to return and stay for a longer time after his Hajj. During his Hajj Umar got in contact with the head of the Tijjaniyya Tariqa who initiated him into the order and appointed him his representative for the whole of the western Sudan. Umar returned to Sokoto about 1826 where he stayed until the death of his host and mentor, Muhammad Bello in 1837. During these 12 years Umar became literally integrated into the Sokoto Caliphate, teaching, learning and writing and even taking part in campaigns. He thus drunk from the Sokoto intellectual stream and shared the practical experience of establishing and running an Islamic Sate. He also married Muhammad Bello's daughter who bore him Habibu who commanded for him at Dinguiray and by another wife given him in Sokoto he had Ahmadu who succeeded him as Amir al-Muminin. (32) In about 1838 he left Sokoto along with his family and a couple of disciples, among them Hausas, passing through Macina and by 1839 settled in Futa Jallon.

In the spirit of a Sokoto tradition, which he had become part of, Umar immediately started raising students, talaba albeit in his own unique manner. For him Sufi discipline under the Tijjaniyya order was essential. It was also necessary for the talaba to learn skills not only to be self-reliant but more importantly to raise the funds to purchase arms and provision for the impending Jihad. Like his Sokoto mentors his engagement with organization and mobilization of talaba did not bar him from writing. In 1845 he wrote his famous Rimah hizb al-Rahim ala Nuhur hizb al-rajim (The lances of the Party of God Against the Throats of the Party of Evil). Most of his writings were designed to mobilize his talaba, rally them around the duty of Amr bil Ma'aruf wal Nahy anil Munkar and prepare them spiritually for the confrontation with the forces of evil. In 1849, he made his Hijra from Diagouku to Dinguiray, along with his talaba, apparently prepared for the inevitable confrontation.

As in Sokoto and Macina, it was the forces of unbelief who first attacked Hajj Umar and his talaba. In 1852 the pagan Mandinka Chieftain of Tamba dispatch an army to destroy the new base of the Muslim community. Hajj Umar and his talaba routed the pagan army and their King along with many of his people converted to Islam. Having started the Jihad in earnest, Hajj Umar attacked and conquered the pagan state of Bambara and later Ka'arta in 1855. Alarmed by the growing power of the Islamic forces the French organised a boycott against Hajj Umar. The latter took his time and later attacked the French strong hold of Medine in 1857. Though Hajj Umar could not dislodge the French and many of his talaba martyred, he however "had made his point: imperialism is an enemy, to be fought at what ever cost." (33) Hajj Umar never gave up for he continued to organize an effective ideological campaign against the French. Hajj Umar then came to the State of Macina which he took over from the heirs of Ahmad Labbo in 1862. He himself died in 1864 and was succeeded by his son Ahmad.

Though the French colonial army which invaded the area barely two decades after the death of Hajj Umar, did not allow the State he founded to last long, Umar had already brought such changes that were to be of lasting benefits to the region. Being the first to challenge European imperialism in the region, he founded a tradition which was to spur a series of Jihads against European imperialism - Muhammadu Lamin, Maba Diakhou, Samori Toure, Ahmad Bamba, et all were all extension of Hajj Umar's movement. These Jihads were to pave the way for further Islamisation of the region and to reinforce Muslim's resolve to fight European imperialism and all other forms of injustices. This resolved to fight having been entrenched into the intellectual tradition of the region will continue to provide a firm base for the next wave of Tajdeed in the region.


THE PATTERN

The Jihads of the 19th century were essentially a phase in process of Tajdeed. It perhaps need to be stressed that the fight was not against peoples or states but against impiety, corruption and injustices which these people or states symbolized. The fight with the forces of evil was necessary if justice was to be established. But sine justice cannot be established by simply winning a battle, this battle must necessarily be preceded and followed by a programme of education which will raise the social consciousness of society infusing in it the aversion for corruption and injustice, and desire for righteousness and justice and the readiness to make the necessary sacrifices to attain it. For Tajdeed as Ibrahim Sulaiman has observed "does not imply merely the overthrow of a political power in the name of Islam; it is rather the all-rounded improvement of man - his belief, his world-view, and more importantly, his character..." (34) Indeed as Murray Last has rightly noted "The war itself was an extension of intensive preaching, once the war was over, the teaching had to continue as strongly as before not least since ideas are apt to be among he casualties of victory." (35) This has been the pattern of Tajdeed throughout West Africa from the al-Murabit down to Hajj Umar and beyond. This patter, if details be permitted, seemed to be made up of four distinct phases:

1. Education:- This represents the first phase for it is the bedrock of Tajdeed. It is through basic education that the individual Muslim becomes prepared to play his role as a Muslim, ready to submit to the laws and regulations of Islam. In course of time education sharpens Muslim consciousness until he comes to appreciate his duty of Amr bil ma'aruf wal Nahy anil Munkar. At this point he automatically becomes a defender of the truth, guardian of justice and an enemy of evil and corruption. He thus becomes a willing soldier in the fight against munkar.

2. Mobilization:- Once education has done its part the leadership finds it easy to rally Muslims around Amr bil ma'aruf wal Nahy anil Munkar and direct their new energy in they direction of change. the greatest difficulty at this stage is not to make Jama'a fight but to restrain them until it was time to fight and to do so according to the rules stipulated by the Sharia.

3. Jihad:- Though the forces of ma'aruf are aware that they have to fight the forces of munkar if truth and justice is to be established in society, it is almost always the forces of munkar that start the battle. This is understandable for the forces of munkar, fully aware of their falsehood and corruption began to feel insecure as soon as the forces of ma'aruf dawn on the horizon. Filled with guilt, perturbed by insecurity, the forces of munkar make the mistake of firing the first bullet. Many times the forces of munkar have been proved wrong and man times they have repeated the same mistake. Indeed they are, in the eternal words of the Qur'an QAUMUN LA YAFQAHUN.

4. Victory:- For the process of Tajdeed, once started there is no failure. When and how the victory comes is not the making nor even the concern of the forces of ma'aruf, this is Allah's prerogative. The forces of ma'aruf continue to perform their obligation and when victory comes they become even more obliged to implement the justice as demanded by Islam. Of course the extent they achieve it tends to vary according to circumstances.

Of the four phases, the phase of education appears to be the most crucial not only because it is the starting point but also because all other phases rely entirely on it. In Hausaland where this phase was longest really thirty 30 years, the process of Tajdeed was far more thorough and had a more lasting effect It was thus able to occasion and influence other waves of Tajdeed in the region. What remains to be discussed now is the source of strength to this invincible process - Tajdeed.


THE BACKBONE

The resilience of Islam and the invincibility of the process of Tajdeed has been a source of great worry for and a subject of unending research by the forces of evil and corruption, European imperialism in particular. For the Muslims this blessing is nothing but a manifestation of mercy from their Lord. We may still however identify some of the elements that form the backbone of Tajdeed, giving it its strength and protecting it from corruption. Three of these ready come to mind and may deserve a paragraph each.

1. The Qur'an: The Qur'an representing the message that the Lord of the Universe sent to mankind, forms the greatest treasure not only for Muslims but the whole of mankind if only they knew. The Qur'an essentially informs man his origin, purpose and destiny, in very clear and absolute terms. It thus moulds the world view of the Muslims and removes ambiguities in his role on this Earth. Reading it constantly sharpens the Muslims' sense of mission and propels him into action for he comes to realise the real life is that of al-jannah which can only be secured by serving the cause of justice, the cause of Islam.

2. Tasawwuf: Sufism, as it is sometimes called, is essentially a process of discipline which seeks to refine the individuals character ridding him of such constraints and weakness as will curtail him from serving the cause of his Lord, for which he has been created. It is significant to note that all the majaddidun that the region of West Africa has seen have gone through the discipline of Tasawwuf, and there is every reason to believe that had they not been so trained, the story in this paper would have been different. It was Tasawwuf which tamed their character cleansed them of greed for material wealth and the fear of any other than their Lord. Content which their austere life, fired by the fear of their Lord these Mujaddidun and their followers were able to carry the process of Tajdeed through the numerous obstacles they had to surmount.

3. Hijra: It is also significant that each and every of the Mujaddidun had to undertake the Hijra often on the eve of the Jihad. It is also significant that some of them like Hajj Umar kept stressing it throughout his Jihad. Hijra, to be sure, is not simply the movement from one place to another for the purpose of defense. More than that Hijra represents a break with a home, possession, etc. for the purpose of preserving Islam. In other words the Muslim who makes Hijra, al-Muharjir, has placed Islam above home, land, possession and even relatives. the concept of Hijra insists that Muslims attachment is with Islam not land, property or people , and anytime Islam demands his break with this, he should be willing and ready, only then is he a true Muslim. It is this perception which made Muslims in West Africa like their brothers and sisters much earlier in Makka, to leave their homes and possessions and come together to fight for the establishment of truth and justice.

Lest we forget, the intellectual tradition West Africa has preserved for us these three elements of Qur'an, Tasawwuf and Hijra in the young Qur'anic school students, aptly called al-Muhajir (in Hausa almajirai). In this almajirai we find the significance of the Qur'an which is their main subject of study; we also see vividly the austere life fostered by a contentment derived the discipline of Tasawwfu; and of course by deliberately leaving their homes to join a Malam who may himself itinerant they demonstrate their attachment to Islam. Their recent attack and murder in Kafanchan, Nigeria, may well mean that the forces of Kufr have began to realise what these innocent souls mean to the process of Tajdeed.


CONCLUSION

This paper has attempted the impossible task of reviewing the whole of the 12 centuries of Islam in West Africa. The idea of this tour d'horizon was to see if we can discern the pattern of Tajdeed during the period and identify some of its elements. What we have so far been able to find can be condensed into three points.

1. The tradition of Tajdeed in West Africa bears the stamp of al-murabit, later to be reinforced by al-Maghili, both coming from a background of struggle for the supremacy of Islam, they conferred on this tradition a taste for thoroughness and perfection that distinguished it from traditions in other parts of the Muslim world.

2. The Tajdeed in West Africa follows a pattern that seem to be made up of four phases, one inevitably leading to the other. It always starts wtih the phase of Education which is followed by Mobilization. The latter leads to Jihad which is followed by Victory. The longer the educational phase the more thorough the process and the longer the benefits last.

3.The Qur'an, Tasawwuf and Hijra have been identified as the major elements which constitute the backbone of the process of Tajdeed in West Africa. That these elements as symbolized by the almajirai are already under attack may suggest the beginning of another wave of the process of Tajdeed. Perhaps, like the Sokoto wave before it, this may also cleanse the whole region of the forces of unbelief and corruption now thriving under the patronage of imperialism.

USMAN M. BUGAJE (23 June 1987)


Footnotes

1.The West African Region had alwasy its historians born of its own educational institutions nurtured in its own traditionof Scholarship people like al-Sa'adi, al-Ka'ati, Ahmad Baba of Timbuktu, Ahmad bin Fartuwa, Abdullah Dan Fodio, Muhammad Bello, Abdul-Qadir bn. Mustapha, and in our days Wazir Junaid. Sequel to European imperalism, western scholarship was developed essentially as a back up support and propaganda machinery for western imperialism. While many western scholars and their local pupils like Rev. Father Trimingham, Levtzio, Hiskett, remain unrepentant otheres like Murry Last and John Hunwick have conceded to Islam its place in West Africa.

2. See Abdullah Dan Fodio,'ida al-Nusukh; J.O. Hunwick The Influence of Arabic in West Africa in Transactions of the Historical society of Ghana Vol, vii 1964; Ahmad Kani's 'The Rise and Influence of Scholars in Hausaland before 1804' an unpublished paper, Wilks 'The Trasnmission of Islamic Learning in the Western Sudan' in J. Goody (ed.) Literacy in Traditional Societies London, C.U.P 1968; Also J.O. Hunwick, 'Salih al-Fulani (1752/3 - 1809) the Career and Teachings of West African Alim in Medina' unpublished paper, Sa'ad Timbuktu. Cambridge C.U.P. 1983.

3. SeeDr Omar Jah. 'Sufism and Nineteen Century Jihad Movements in the Western Sudan: A case Study of al-hajj Usman al-Futi's Philosophy of Jihad and its Sufi Bases.' Unpublished Ph.D. Theses 1973.

4. See Suyuti Jalal al-Din, 'Tajdid,' Manuscript in author's possession.

5. al-Maghili, 'Ajwiba,' ed. and trans. hunwick, J.O. , in Sharia'ah in Songhai, Oxford, 1985

6.Sa'id, Muh. Bustaini, Mafhum tajdid al-Din, Kuwait: Dar al-Da'wah, 1984

7. See al-Bakri in Hopkins (trans.), Hopkins and Levtzion (eds.) Corpuse of Early Arabic Sources for West African History. P. 71

8. Ibn Abi Zar in Ibid, p. 240

9. See al-Bakri in Ibid, p. 84

10. See Hunwick, J.O. Sharia in Songhai, Op. cit., p. 15

11. See Abubakar al-Bartili 'Fathi Shukr fi Ta'arif A'ayan Ulama' alTakrur

12. See Gwarzo, H.I., 'The Life and Teachings of al-Maghili with Particular Reference to the Saharan Jewish Community.' Ph.D Thesis Univ. London, 1972 p. 86

13. Kani, A. 'The Rise of Scholars in Hausaland Before 1804'

14. See Hunwick, J.O., 'Notes on a Late 15th century Document Concerning 'al-Takrur', in African Perspectives ed. c. Allen and R.W. Johnson, Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1966, pp. 269-317.

15. See Kani, A. The Intellectual Origin of the Sokoto Jihad, Ibadan, 1405 A.H., p. 20

16. Hiskett, M., 'An Islamic Tadition of ReforM in the Western Sudan from the 16th - 18th century,' in B.S.O.A.S. XXV, Part 3, 1962, P.591

17. Smith, Abdullahi, A Little New Light, Zaria. Abdullahi smith Centre for Historical Research, 1987, p. 134.

18. Abd 'Allah b. Muhammad, 'Ida al-Nusukh

19. Muhammad Bello, Infaq al-Maysur

20. Smith, A., A Little New Light, Op. cit, p. 136

21. Bivar, A.D.H., 'The Wathiqat ahl al-Sudan: A Manifesto of the Fulani Jihad,' J.A.H. II, (1961), p. 239.

22. For details see Sulaiman, Ibrahim, Islamic State and the Challenge of History, London: Mansell, 1987

23. Smith, A., A Little New Light, Op. cit., 138

24. Smith, A., A Little New Light, Op. cit., P. 138

25. Ibid., P. 139

26. Quoted in Brown, W.A., 'The Caliphate of Hamdullahi,' Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Wisconsin, 1969, p. 27. [1]Ibid., . 20

28. Ibid., p. 17

29. Smith, A. A Little New Light, Op. cit. ., p. 138

30. Sulaiaman, I. 'Tajdeed in West Africa.' Unpublished article

31. Brown, W.A., 'The Caliphate of Hmdullahi,' op. cit., p. 104

32. Smith, A. A Little New Light, Op. cit., p. 140

33. Jah, Umar, 'Sufism and Nineteenth Century Jihad Movements' Op. cit.

34. Sulaiman, I., 'Tajdid in West Africa', Op. cit.

35. Ibid.

 


 

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